chapter 3: CELL  GROUPS AND LATIN CULTURE 

            Throughout this tutorial, one of my underlying motivations  has been to determine how  Latin culture affects cell ministry. For that reason, perhaps, this chapter is the most important one of the  tutorial.   

Cultural Factors That  Promote Cell Ministry  

            There are a number of Latin cultural factors that would appear to promote small  group ministry.  

People Orientation  

            Small group ministry is face to face ministry. It primarily involves interaction with people rather than to engage in personal meditation or  study.  For this reason, the strong emphasis on people in Latin culture is very positive indeed.  

Time To Meet Together  

As we’ve seen, the most important single trait in Latin culture centers around the development of personal relationships. Priority time is given to this one task. Lingenfelter and Mayers make this clear from a small group  standpoint,

People who have interaction as a goal need the acceptance and stimulus of their group associates. They must spend a significant amount of time and energy fulfilling the obligations of group membership and maintaining personal ties. They work hard to promote group interests and interaction, often sacrificing their own personal goals for the interests of others. Failure to accomplish a task is less critical to them than a gain in the quality of personal relationships (1986:84).  

From the Latin perspective, spending time with people in group and individual settings is the most important goal of life. ^[1]   Unlike the North American that might need to be prodded to join a small group, the Latin person does not need to be convinced. 

It’s wise for the Latin American pastor or leader to promote the virtues of the small group as a key means to establish relationships with other people.  It doesn’t take long for Latin  people to  realize that meeting regularly in a small group is not only something that comes naturally due to their cultural norms, but it is a principle that is indicated in Scripture (both cell and celebration).  

Ease In Small Group Settings  

            It is my conviction that Latins have perfected their skill in personal relationships to a level that we in North America know very little about. Because relating to people  governs everything they do, they have honed their skills to perfection (certainly, there are exceptions to every rule).

With regard to the small group,  there is a certain ease and naturalness that is present  in the group (which  is not found in a North American setting). I have found that in North America it seems hard to get the group to meet together; whereas in Latin America it’s hard to get them to leave the meeting. ^[2]    

Social Gathering Outside The Cell  

Because of the  priority placed upon people, oftentimes it’s very attractive for the groups to meet together in social settings outside the actual cell meeting. ^[3] This not only promotes fellowship among the members, but it’s also a great way to invite non-Christians. Latins like to be around a lot of people, and on these occasions,  ‘the more merrier.’ 

Priority Of Family  

            We have seen the primary role that the family play is in  Latin America. We have noted that there is nothing more important than family.

Family Emphasis In Scripture  

This is also a Scriptural emphasis. The Scripture teaches that the church is the family of God (Eph. 2: 14,15). As  God’s chosen people we have been adopted into His family, the church. The home cell group  highlights this truth by the simple fact of meeting in houses.  J. Goezmann, confirms this reality when he says,

            What could be conveyed by the idea of the family of God had, in fact, already come into being in the primitive Christian community through the house churches. The household as a community...formed the smallest unit and basis of the congregations. The house churches mentioned in the N.T. (Acts 11:14; 16:15, 31, 34; 18:8; I Cor. 1:16; Phlm. 2; I Tim. 1:16; 4:19) no doubt came into being through the use of the homes as meeting places. The gospel was preached in them (Acts 5:42; 20:20), and the Lord´s supper was celebrated in them (Acts 2:46) (1975:250) .  

Banks contends that Paul’s metaphor of the family, “…must be regarded as the most significant metaphorical usage of all” (1994:49). We should primarily see each other as members of a God’s family. We have been adopted into His heavenly family, and therefore can honestly call each other ‘brothers and sisters’.

I believe that the emphasis on family in the Latin American context is a positive benefit to cell ministry. This is an attractive drawing card for  Latin Americans  who are accustomed to viewing the church from the lenses of the impersonal cathedral. Not only the nuclear family but also the extended family is strong in Ecuador.  The web of relationship that are embodied in the extended family hold exciting possibilities for cell-based ministry in Latin America.

Natural Webs Of Outreach  

As was quoted earlier, Mayers points out that the Latin extended family includes nuclear family, relatives, ritual relatives, neighbors, and maids (1976:19).  These natural webs of relationships in the Latin context raise exciting possibilities for outreach. Ralph Neighbour, one of the foremost cell experts worldwide, writes about the importance of web relationships in cell ministry. He uses the Greek New Testament word oikos as his starting point,

The word [oikos] is found repeatedly in the New Testament, and is usually translated ‘household’. However, it doesn’t just refer to family members. Everyone of us have a ‘primary group’  of friends who relate directly to us through family, work, recreation, hobbies, and neighbors….Newcomers feel very much ‘outside’ when they visit your group for the first time, unless they have established an oikos connection with one of them. If they are not ‘kinned’ by the members, they will not stay very long or try very hard to be included before they return to their old friends (1992:61).  

When I attended the cell seminar at Bethany World Prayer Center in June, 1996, I noted that they also promote the oikos concept on a regular basis. ^[4]

One problem that I have noticed for  North Americans is that they (we)  have  trouble developing  those oikos relationships because of their (our) intense individualism and goal orientation. North Americans simply  do not make  the time to develop those oikos  relationships.  On the other hand, the development and the nurture of  oikos relationships in Latin America is a top priority.

Cell leadership in Latin America would be wise to exploit this natural link. This could be done in the initial cell pre-training, the ongoing training, and from the pulpit.             

Openness To The Gospel  

            Latin America is ripe for the gospel of Jesus Christ. The Catholic faith which was imported from Spain has not satisfied the deep longings of the people. It is my conviction that the cell church is in a unique position to not only reap the Latin harvest, but also to  conserve that harvest through the discipleship process that take place within the cell group. In fact, there is abundant proof that this harvest is indeed taking place in the cell church in Latin America.  

Cultural Factors That Present Challenges  

            A study of Latin American culture presents many exciting benefits for cell ministry in Latin America. At the same time, it points out some potential challenges and even dangers.

Authoritarianism 

            We have noted that Latins in general are authoritarian. They like to be in control, to dominate. ^[5]   In general, Latins, like to make a  clear distinction between leader and follower. We have noted that  this characteristic is one that has been passed down from the conquistadors and ties into the macho mentality.  

Lack Of Participation  

A successful cell group takes place when everyone is allowed to freely express themselves, when the gifts of the Spirit in each person are developed, and when the needs of each person in the group are met.  The cell group itself is specifically designed to bring out total participation (the ice-breaker, the worship & prayer time,  the ministry time, and the vision focus time)

However, there is an inherent danger for  Latin cell leaders to view their cell leadership as an opportunity ‘to be in control’. Instead of stimulating others to talk and participate, the Latin cell leader has a tendency to dominate the entire meeting. It’s a very subtle cultural tendency that is not easily broken. ^[6] It seems that the only way to effectively deal with this problem is constant, yet patient  teaching that stresses the importance of participation with the goal of applying the Bible to everyday life.           

Personal Sharing  

            The cell group is designed so that people can share what is really happening in their lives.  Christians grow spiritually  through honest, transparent sharing,   and non-Christians are attracted to this type of  Christian fellowship. Open sharing  is also much easier to do in a small group atmosphere as opposed to a larger group. Yet, in order to move from sharing about more superficial, safer topics,  it requires that the cell leader initiates and models this type of vulnerability.

            For many Latins, it’s difficult to share in a personal, vulnerable manner.  The macho facade that is promoted in Latin culture says that it is not acceptable to share trials,  weakness, or  failure. In order to overcome such reticence, lots of teaching and modeling may be required in the Latin context. ^[7]  

Assigned Status  

We have noted that in Latin America, a person's ascribed status affects how he or she  acts, thinks, and responds.  In every situation the Latin person is sizing up the status of others so that he or she might know how to relate.  When the status level is compatible, there is usually exuberant, expressive   conversation and communication, but when it is not,  the flow of group interaction is negatively affected.  

Formation Of Groups  

            It behooves cell groups in Latin American to be organized  along homogenous lines so that  communication in the cell might be maximized and that non-Christians will be readily attracted. Potential members should be allowed to pick their own cell group according to personal preference. Any type of forced gathering  of members into heterogeneous groups is not wise in Latin America. ^[8]

Giving Birth  

            These status considerations must also be taken into account in the birth of a new group. It would be a fatal mistake to force a group to give birth  against natural cultural lines (whites with indigenous people, etc.). Rather, the new cell groups should be formed  according to natural cultural patterns. 

When determining which members will go with the new group and which ones will stay, it’s important to remember at least two things. First, the natural ‘clicks’  within the group (status, friendship, etc.) will help determine who will stay and who will go. Perhaps, the reflection of a district pastor in Cho’s church will be helpful,

As much as possible, we divide groups based on natural networks. For example, if the assistant in that group brought two other cell members to the Lord, then that individual will split off with those members to start a new group (Hurtson 1994:93).  

Bob Logan adds, 

   A group ripped asunder without regard for the naturally occurring segments or affinity clusters within the group will make a big mess. If you split a group by arbitrarily counting of, or in this culture, even by using geographical boundaries or some means other than affinity clusters, you may end up with many injured group members. However, if you identify naturally occurring affinity or relational clusters within your group, plant a leader for each (or watch to see what leader naturally emerges to the top of each), and then divide the group by these clusters, the result will be much more beneficial. To encourage the formation of these clusters, start early in the group’s life to experiment with different cluster compositions. Perhaps allow your members to divide by their own devices into groups or three, four, or five members. Note who gravitated to whom, and who took leadership. Try this for three or four weeks to see if any specific clusters are gelling (Logan 1989:138).  

The wise cell leader will be continually analyzing those natural friendship links. When the time comes to give birth, the leader’s discernment will prove to be very helpful.  

Additional Factors  

            Here are some additional factors that are important to consider when doing cell ministry in a Latin context.  

Hesitancy to Give Birth           

The Latin’s emphasis on people is the  greatest strength  of cell ministry, but at the same time, this cultural priority can also be a potential danger. I have found that there is one of two dangers that can take place.  

Big Groups Versus Small Groups  

            We have noted that a Latin likes to encircle himself with lots of friends. This makes him feel significant.  In the cell group, this can be a problem. A leader might feel the need to have a large cell (more than 15) because he feels more significant.  However, the cell group is specifically designed to be small enough in order to promote intimate,  open sharing and must be kept below fifteen through the process of constant reproduction. ^[9] 

Ingrown Groups Versus Outreach  Groups  

            This is the opposite tendency. The members become comfortable with each other. They  tend to cling tightly to their newly formed relationships, and  are not willing to establish a new group, even if it means new people being won into the Kingdom. There is no easy answer to this dilemma.

            One insight that helps is the reminder that  even if  certain members participate in the planting of another cell group, this does not mean that cell members cannot  contact their former  cell group friends. In fact, both the mother  and the daughter cell might want to reunite  on occasion to celebrate their common links.

Event Orientation & Punctuality  

            These two aspects of Latin culture make it hard for cell groups to begin on time and end on time. In the Latin context, there needs to be some flexibility, although we  have always encouraged our cell leaders to start their meetings on time. ^[10]

Chapter 5: CONCLUSION  

            In this  tutorial I have tried to  paint an accurate picture of Latin American culture. While portraying the bright sides of the Latin American (people orientation, family) , I have also tried to speak truthfully about  some of the darker levels of Latin culture (machismo and authoritarianism).

The Catholic conquest and ultimate subjugation of the people in the sixteenth century  displayed both terror and zeal—motivated as much by  gold  as  for souls.  Those very characteristics that made up the Spanish conqueror so long ago, are  glaringly present in the Latin American today.

Although Catholic in name, we have discovered that syncretism has played a dominant role in the Latin worldview, and that the Spanish religious system has  yet to  touch the deeper moral issues of Latin American life.  The good news is that the Evangelical faith is making powerful inroads into Latin American culture today.

One vital methodology in  this mighty harvest is  cell-based ministry. This type of ministry seems uniquely positioned to work effectively in this culture. The family orientation of Latin Americans  and their commitment to personal relationships add life and vigor to small group ministry. The web of family relationships holds special potential for outreach in Latin America. Although authoritarian leadership and a machismo image present special challenges, it seems that Latin America is ready for this type of ministry. 

appendix a:north american culture and cell ministry  

            The purpose for this appendix is simply to ‘open the door’ for further study. The contents are more subjective than objective.  

For Further Study  

            For some time, it has been my desire to discover  why cell-based ministry has worked so effectively in the majority world and has been so slow to take root here in the United States. It is my objective in this appendix to raise a few questions and to project a few answers. The overriding purpose is to get something started that might be pursued later on.   

American Cultural Values And Small Groups  

            Although I’m not 100% certain, I suspect that a large part of the above question could be answered by a thorough investigation into North American culture. Although this is not the time to do  such an investigation, I will simply suggest some possibilities.  

Impersonal Society  

From the small amount of research that I have undertaken  on North American culture, it appears that the task orientation and impersonal nature of the U.S. society makes it harder for people to naturally want to get together.

Personal relationships and getting together in a group setting just doesn’t hold the same degree of importance to a North American as to a Latin American. Speaking about the North American, Lingenfelter and Mayers note,

…casual conversation can be more difficult than a hundred chores. While such people may outwardly appear to be listening, inwardly they are thinking of all the things they could be doing instead. They find it extremely difficult to concentrate on people when there is so much to be done (1986:88,89). 

Task Oriented 

Commitment to ‘getting the task done’ is something that is part of the warf and woof of North American life.  In North America, busyness is a virtue. Idleness is a sin. Lingenfelter and Mayers says,

The social life of task-oriented individuals is often merely an extension of work activity….Task-oriented people consider social activities a drain on their productive time and often prefer the solitude of working alone and uninterrupted. To achieve is more important than to build social relationships, and they are willing to endure social deprivation to reach their goals” (Lingenfelter and Mayers 1986:83).

Achievement Oriented  

            This task orientation is built into the very nature of how North Americans are rewarded. In other words, rewards are granted according to one’s achievements A Latin American’s family and personal relationships make him significant. This has very little to do with how a North American feels significant. ^[11] . According to Lingenfelter and Mayers (1986:100), prestige is attained by:

1.     Personal identity is determined by one’s achievements

2.     The amount of respect one receives varies with one’s accomplishments and failures; attention focuses on personal performance

3.     The individual is extremely self-critical and makes sacrifices in order to accomplish ever greater deeds.

            With these underlying motivational drives in mind, it’s no wonder that North Americans don’t feel that they have time to meet in a relationship building atmosphere. It’s just not as important as other things. For the North American, it makes perfect sense to spend a lot of time in order to accomplish his goal of more wealth, education, fame, etc. After all, that’s what makes him important.

Openness To Share 

            On a positive side, North American culture places a high value on personal sharing and vulnerability. There doesn’t seem to be the same type of ‘image’ pressure that hinders the Latin American from opening up. As North American culture becomes more and more impersonal,  the hope is that cell ministry will become increasingly important in the lives of Americans.  

Conclusion  

            I believe that the North American Church is passing through a very difficult time. ^[12]   Attendance is at an all time low (Barna’s 1996 study), and a spirit of unbelief seems to have invaded the land. Those ministries which are prospering and growing seem to have become more secular in order to reach the secular mindset. ^[13]

I don’t believe that cell ministry is a magical cure. In fact, the dual commitment that cell ministry entails (cell and celebration)  is very costly for the average American. On the other hand, I believe that cell ministry is what America needs. North Americans need to rediscover New Testament communion and what it mean to be the church of Jesus Christ. Hopefully, examples like Bethany Prayer Center, Dove Christian Fellowship, and First Baptist Church of Modesto will wet North America’s appetite for cell-based ministry.  

appendix b: background of case study countries  

            Before I attempt to relate some of the cultural/worldview issues to cell-based ministry, I feel that it’s necessary to give a summary of the countries in which I will be doing my case studies. This information is by no means exhaustive, nor can it be due to scope of this paper. ^[14]   Rather, it will serve as a springboard for further, more in-depth research.   

Colombia  

In comparison, Colombia comprises slightly less than three times the size of Montana  

Peoples/Languages  

Colombia is the third most populous country in Latin America, after Brazil and Mexico.  Movement from rural to urban areas has been heavy. As of July, 1994, there were 35, 577, 556  million people in Colombia (three times more  than Ecuador)  Unlike Ecuador and Perú, the percentage of  pure indigenous people is minor. Less than 1% are Amerindian, in comparison with 50% of the population in 1850). The Spanish speaking population comprises the other 98.6% (mestizo 58%, white 20%, mulatto 14%, black 4%, mixed black-Indian 3%) (Johnstone 1993:173).

The US State Department tells us that the ethnic variety  in Colombia is a result of the intermingling of  indigenous Indians, Spanish colonists, and African slaves. Few foreigners have immigrated to Colombia, compared to several other South American countries (1994).  

History  

According to the U.S. Department (1994),  the area now known as Colombia was inhabited by Indians, mostly primitive hunters or nomadic farmers.  Spaniards first sailed along the north coast of Colombia as early as 1500, but the first permanent settlement, at Santa Marta, was not established until 1525.  In 1549, the area was established as a Spanish colony with the capital at Santa Fe de Bogota.  In 1717, Bogota became the capital of the viceroyalty of New Granada, which included what is now Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama.  The city became one of the principal administrative centers of the Spanish possessions in the New World, along with Lima and Mexico City.

On July 20, 1810, the citizens of Bogota created the first representative council to defy Spanish authority.  Total independence was proclaimed in 1813, and in 1819 the Republic of Greater Colombia was formed. 

After the defeat of the Spanish army, the republic included all the territory of the former viceroyalty.  Simon Bolivar was elected its first President and Francisco de Paula Santander, Vice President.  Two political parties that grew out of conflicts between the followers of Bolivar and Santander, the Conservatives and the Liberals, have dominated Colombian politics.  Bolivar's supporters, who later formed the nucleus of the Conservative Party, advocated a strong centralized government, alliance with the Roman Catholic Church, and a limited franchise.

 Santander's followers, forerunners of the Liberals, wanted a decentralized government, state rather than church control over education and other civil matters, and a broadened suffrage.  

Political Situation  

The State Department (1994) note that throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries, each party held the presidency for roughly equal periods of time.  Colombia, is not like other  Latin American countries, in that it has maintained a tradition of civilian government and regular, free elections.  The military has seized power only three times in Colombia's history and in the  first two instances, civilian rule was restored within a year.

At the same time, Colombia's history has been characterized by periods of widespread, violent conflict.  Two civil wars have resulted from bitter rivalry between the Conservative and Liberal Parties.  The War of a Thousand Days (1899-1902) cost an estimated 100,000 lives, and up to 300,000 people perished during La Violencia of  the 1940s and 1950s.

In July 1957, former Conservative President Laureano Gomez (1950-53) and former Liberal President Alberto Lleras Camargo (1945-46) issued the "Declaration of Sitges," in which they proposed a "National Front" whereby the Liberal and Conservative parties would jointly govern.  Through regular elections, the presidency would alternate between the two parties every four years; the parties also would have parity in all other elective and appointive offices. The National Front ended La Violencia. Although the 1991 constitution does not have that requirement, subsequent governments have included opposition parties in the government.  

The next administrations had to contend with both the guerrillas and the narcotics traffickers, who freely operated within Colombia.  Narco-terrorists assassinated three presidential candidates before Cesar Gaviria Trujillo was elected in 1990.  With the death of Medellin cartel leader Pablo Escobar in December 1993, indiscriminate acts of violence associated with that organization have somewhat abated

President Ernesto Samper became president  August,  1994.  Samper has vowed to continue many of the economic and foreign policy goals of the previous  administration, while also placing greater emphasis on addressing social inequities and eliminating poverty.

Economy  

Colombia undertook a profound economic reform program in 1990-94 that opened up its economy to international trade and investment. Colombia is the only major Latin American country which did not have to reschedule its external debt during the debt crisis of the 1980s.  The nation paid both principal and interest to its foreign creditors.  Today it enjoys one of the highest credit ratings in the region.

Colombia is well-endowed with minerals and energy resources.  It has the largest coal reserves in Latin America, is second to Brazil in hydroelectric potential, and possesses Latin America's fourth-largest oil and gas reserves.  It also possesses significant amounts of ferronickel, gold, silver, platinum, and emeralds.

The recent discovery of 2 billion barrels of high-quality oil at the Cusiana and Cupiagua fields, about 125 miles east of Bogota, assures Colombia's crude oil self-sufficiency until well into the next decade. However, refining capacity cannot satisfy domestic demand, so some refined products, especially gasoline, must be imported.  Plans for the construction of a new refinery are under development.  Total crude oil production in 1993 was 453,000 b/d; about 184,000 b/d were exported.

The United States is Colombia's principal trading partner, purchasing 37% of Colombia's exports in 1993.  

Religious Mix  

Ninety-five percent of the country is Roman Catholic, whereas Evangelicals only make up 3.1%  (Protestant 3.8%).  Johnstone notes that 70% of the Roman Catholics never attend mass and that the Evangelical presence is growing (1993:174).  

Drugs and Related Problems  

Concerning Colombia, Patrick Johnstone writes,

Colombia has a reputation for being possibly one of the most violent countries in the world. Leftist guerrilla movements and the drug-trafficking “barons” dominate many areas of the country. Corruption, blackmail, kidnapping, assassination and revenge murders have brutalized society (1993:174).  

Colombia is the world's leading supplier of cocaine and is the source of tons of refined cocaine, heroin, and marijuana shipped to the United States and Europe each year.  Although the yield of Colombian opium poppies is low, Colombia now has more illicit poppy cultivation than Mexico.  In 1993, Colombia closed a bloody chapter in its continuing war against narcotics trafficking with the death of drug lord Pablo Escobar and the crippling of his notorious Medellin drug cartel.  The remaining Cali and other Colombian drug cartels, among the most sophisticated criminal organizations in the world, virtually control cocaine processing as well as international wholesale distribution chains and markets.

Colombia is engaged in a broad range of narcotics control activities.  In Colombia's traditional cannabis growing zones, where intensive eradication in previous years had virtually destroyed the crop, there was a resurgence of cultivation in 1993 to an estimated 5,000 hectares.  Through aerial spraying and manual eradication, Colombia has attempted to keep opium poppy cultivation from expanding.  The government has committed itself to pursuing eradication of all illicit crops, including coca and marijuana, during 1995.  Authorities aggressively fumigate using a safe agricultural herbicide.  

Corruption and intimidation by traffickers complicate the drug-control efforts of many Colombian institutions.  A major overhaul of the Colombian judicial system shows promise, although changes have yet to produce successful prosecution of narcotics traffickers.  Colombia passed a revised criminal procedures code in 1993 which permits traffickers to surrender and negotiate more lenient sentences in return for cooperating with prosecutors.  The Colombian constitution now prohibits the extradition of Colombian nationals, but the government does extradite citizens of other countries.  

Cultural Aspects  

The pre-Columbian cultures of Colombia have been little investigated as almost none of them left behind spectacular monuments. However, their art reveals a high degree of craftsmanship and their goldwork is the best in the whole continent, both for the techniques used and for the artistic design.

I have personally noticed a distinct difference in the average Colombiam that seems distinct from Ecuadoreans and Peruvians. Although it’s very hard to analyze, it seems that Colombians are more active, competitive,  and business oriented than Ecuadoreans. This might be the result of the dominate Spanish speaking population (less than one percent are Amerindian). Perhaps,  Raul Jaramillo, a native Colombian, sums up these cultural distinctions,  

 Colombians have developed other reflexes: they are quick to react, brisk to discuss, cautious to decide and excessively slow to make collective decisions. They are "short term lovers" (maybe they know that before the end of any planned transformation, there are other ideas sailing on an opposite direction). Fortunately, and as another side of coin, the inertia of system is so great, it explains a country, that historically, is the most stable economically and institutionally in the region (1993).  

Ecuador  

Ecuador is an exciting, diverse land. Although it is South America's fourth smallest country(about the size of Nevada), it boasts of a beautiful coastal region, a lofty mountain range, and dense tropical forest. In fact, Ecuador can easily be divided into these three regions: coast, mountains, and jungle. In Ecuador they call these regions the Costa, the Sierra, and the Orient.  

Peoples/Languages  

            As of July, 1995,  10,890,950 lived in Ecuador. Out of that figure, 56.9% of the people are non-Indian. This includes Mestizo (2,450,000), Afro-American (610,000), and EuroAmerican (300,000). The Indigenous population accounts for 42% of the population of Ecuador (Johnstone 1993:201). 

History  

In the fifteenth century the Incas extended their empire northwards from Peru. At that time primitive tribes inhabited Ecuadorian soil. In 1460 the Incas conquered the Ecuadorian Indians and imposed their culture and administration upon them (Tatford 1983:218).  This included their Quichua language.  For the primitive tribes that were natives in Ecuador, this was only the beginning of centuries of foreign domination.

     It was less than a century later in 1521 that Bartholomew Ruiz, a Spanish seaman, spotted the coast of Ecuador. Upon landing he was treated with the greatest respect. Bartholomew went back to his country and boasted in the wealth and intrigue of this South American land (Hunter 1964:218).

     Only 11 years later another explorer named Pizarro sailed from Spain to Ecuador. However, he did not come with motivations of peace and friendship. He and his men had one thing on their mind‑conquest of the inhabitants. Upon landing along the coast, at what is now the port city of Guayaquil, Pizarro  and his men marched through the Sierras where Quito now stands as capital.  He captured the Inca King, Atawallpa, and after receiving an incredible amount of gold as a ransom, he treacherously murdered him.  Concerning the cruel invasion, J.H. Hunter writes, "These conquests are perhaps the most cruel, tragic, and heroic, as well as the bloodiest recorded in all the  annals of history" (1964:137).

As a reward for the evangelization of the country,  large land grants were freely given. The tribal people were then enslaved in order to take care of these large "haciendas". In fact, until recently, the owner of a hacienda would claim the indigenous people as part of his estate‑along with his other cattle (Star 1985:801).

In the early days of evangelical penetration into Ecuador, there was fierce opposition by the Roman Catholic Church. As recently as 1952 approx. two and one half million leaflets were distributed by Roman Catholics declaring Protestants to be foreigners and subversive. One  can imagine what the early twentieth century was like. Early Alliance history records the building of a church in Quito, the capitol city of Ecuador,  "At times, what had been built during the day was torn down at night" (Pioneer Years: 6)

Secondly, it is very clear that the people were weary and suspicious of foreigners. After centuries of foreign control,  one  can imagine that the people were reluctant to receive the message of the early missionaries.   In understanding missions in Ecuador the point needs to be continually made that the original tribes that make up the land of Ecuador have consistently felt dominated by foreign powers‑even religious ones. When thinking through mission strategy that will be effective here in  Ecuador, one must remember this truth.

Yes, the early historical conditions warranted against a huge harvest‑but what about today? It is a fact that not only the Alliance, but the Ecuadorian Evangelical Church in general is experiencing exciting church growth (Protestant Divisions  1985:18).  

Political Situation  

For nearly three centuries the country was governed by Spanish viceroys. However, the desire to cast off foreign domination was always close to the people's heart. The fight for independence lasted 14 years. It was in 1822 that the day finally arrived.  Under the leadership of the highly revered Simon Bolivar,

 Ecuador finally cast off the yoke of Spanish Imperialism. It formed part of what was called the Republic of Colombia, which was composed of New Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador. Although a "free" nation, Roman Catholicism was still the sole religion of the country. In fact, a quote from the constitution of 1830 said that the Roman Catholic Church was the only religion in Ecuador "...to the exclusion of any other  faith (Weld 1968: 22).

            However, the winds of change were bound to come. A liberal sentiment swept the country. Through the upheaval of a civil war liberals came to power in 1897. Diplomatic relations with the Vatican were terminated although Roman Catholicism remained the state religion. On paper anyway, religious freedom was guaranteed to all.

What about the political realm? What kind of stability do we find in the government? Shodt sums it up when he says, "Ecuadorian politics is in some ways as bewildering as its topography. Political instability has been a characteristic  feature" (1987:12).

Some examples are in order.  Ecuador's first 95 years as a  republic saw 40 presidents, dictators, and juntas come and go. During the years 1925 through 1948 no president completed his term of office. During this same  23 year period Ecuador  witnessed 22 presidents or chiefs of state (Ecuador: Post Report, p.3).  Since independence Ecuador has had 17 constitutions-the most recent being in 1978 (Schodt 1987:12)

How has all this effected the people? Maybe not as radically as might be expected. Schodt remarks, "...until recently, life for the vast majority of Ecuadorian citizens was remarkably untouched by these numerous political transitions. Ecuadorian politics has traditionally been largely an elite contest, with political participation limited to a small fraction of the populations  until the 1970's” (1987:46).

The 1979 constitution provides for concurrent four-year terms of office for the president, vice president, and the 12 members of Congress (of a total of 77) who are elected as "national" (at-large) legislators.  The remaining 65 legislators, representing the country's 21 provinces, serve for two years.  No president may be re-elected, and outgoing legislators cannot be re-elected until an intervening term has passed (U.S. Department of State Nov., 1994)  

Economy  

It was in the 1970's that Ecuadorians struck it rich. Actually, the year was 1967 when Texaco and Gulf Oil companies  discovered vast petroleum deposits in the jungle (Ecuador in Pictures 1987:5).  Huge pipes were constructed to carry the oil  out of the jungle. Oil began to flow in 1970 when oil prices were at their peak.  Ecuador pumped 300,000 barrels a day, and revenues reached $270,000,000 per month (Ecuador in Pictures 1987:5).

This oil explosion and the immediate wealth accompanying it brought changes in several ways. First, more jobs were generated which helped create a stronger middle class. Second, the govern­ment had more money to spend and to invest. It began to subsidize just about everything.  Yet, there was a grave negative side to this. When the oil prices began to drop drastically, a huge financial burden began to weigh down the economy. Since Ecuadorian politics have always been closely linked with the   economy, the government once again found itself in great turmoil. These conditions have persisted up to the present day (Ecuador in Pictures 1987:5)

Although Ecuador's economy is developing, there is a long way to go. It remains one of the most underdeveloped nations in   South America (Ecuador in Pictures 1987:5).  A large part of the blame lies in the fact that more than one half of the people are farmers who raise only  enough food to feed their own families. A high birth rate and inadequate transportation add to Ecuador's low standard of living. According to 1993 statistics, the average yearly income per household is $1,040.00 U.S. dollars (4.9% of the US)

The U.S. State Department report for 1994 states,

Ecuador's gross domestic product (GDP) will reach $16.6 billion for 1994.  Due to austerity measures, economic growth was only 2% in 1993 but should exceed 3% in 1994.  The economy is based on petroleum production, along with exports of agricultural commodities and seafood.  The state oil industry makes up 11% of GDP, generates 35% of total exports, and provides about half of government revenue. 

Religious Mix  

            In Ecuador, Roman Catholics comprise 94% of the population while Protestants make up 3.8% (Johnstone 1993:201). Johnstone writes,

Ecuador had Latin America’s smallest percentage of evangelicals in 1960. Praise God for major breakthroughs and people movements that have brought rapid church growth since then, notably among: Spanish speaking urbanties….Quichuas in Chimborazo Province (1993:202).  

It is my opinion that Ecuador  is entering a time of harvest. The hard, oftentimes fruitless labor of former missionaries are now paying rich dividends. ^[15] 

 CONTINUE TO PART 4 OF SOCIAL/CULTURAL IN CELL MINISTRY