Kinship System  

The kinship system in Ecuador and throughout Latin America is very strong and alive.  They call it parentesco. It  extends from the high to the lower classes. The underlying principle is that the nuclear family as well as the extended family are committed to care for one another. This cultural system assures that every family member will have help in times  of crisis.  Speaking of this kinship arrangement, Weil  notes, "Kinship obligation for hospitality and other favors are morally binding, and they may involve a considerable part of a  family's income" (1997:97)

The kinship principle is not limited to one's extended family. The compadrazgo system goes one step further. In this arrangement godparents are selected (usually people considered important) from "other" families. These godparents are selected during special occasions (birth of a child or marriage of a child).  Mayers states,

  At each occasion the parents of the child make careful selection from among their friends and acquaintances as to whom they would like to bring into their family ‘as if they were in reality family’. They will most likely choose some person or couple of higher status than themselves, or someone of equal status (1976:26).  

 Upon acceptance, these new families become like kin. They are expected to provide favors and help when necessary  The compadrazgo system as well as the parentesco system permeates economic, political, and social structures in Ecuador  and throughout Latin America (Weil 1973:98). Olien makes an interesting observation, “Throughout Latin America the most influential persons tend to have the greatest numbers of compadres. A president of a country may have as many as several thousand compadres” (1973:204). It’s this drive to ‘become surrounded’ with close friendship and commitments that drives the Latino to place high priority on the compadrazgo system, because the more influential close friends (new kin) that one has the higher social standing and authority (Dealy 1992:74).

            Some view the  system od compadrazco as a security mechanism in a society where there are few other places to turn beside the extended family. Geyer offer her opinion,

It [comparazco] is a realistic escape from the insecurity of family life; it links man to man on a personal level in a society in which man fears man on a larger, more universal level. It exists because there is no public assurance of justice or security for the average, atomized man (1970:83). 

Personally, I find nothing objectionable in substituting the extended family for the government. In fact, it seems that it’s closer to Biblical ideals. 

The Machismo-Hembrismo Dualism  

When discussing the world view of Latin Americans, it is not long before the subject of "machismo-hembrismo" surfaces. The word machismo is a term used to describe particular traits common among Latin males, while hembrismo (also known as feminismo or marianismo) refers to particular values and traits among Latin females. These two aspects of Latin world view go hand in hand and can only be understood in light of each other.  

Machismo  

Mayers defines Machismo in this way, 

the ability to conquer, to effect a conquest. To the degree that a man is able to effect conquest, to reflect fearlessness that attends conquest, and to reflect such virility, to that degree he is a man. To the degree that he is unable to reflect such manliness to that degree he is less than a man (1976:42). 

 One kind of conquest is being referred to here? According to Mayers the conquest might be sexual, choosing and obtaining a worthy godparent, or even such a mundane matter as making the right decision as to whether  or not he should go to the front of the line or take his place in the back of the line (1976:40-42).  

 Nida chooses to list  particular characteristics to describe  machismo in Latin males (1974:60) They are:

1.   Irritability

2.     A  hostile spirit

3.     Quarrelsomeness

4.     Demonstration of virility

5.     Emphasis on  testicles

6.     Phallic language and symbols.

            Perhaps, some of  these traits are too detached. In everyday terms, this machismo is the   image  portrayed by the  Latin male which projects manliness.  Weil describes a macho man as one who is courageous, forceful, bold, and even  have a readiness to retaliate instantly (1973:103). As we will see, one of the most far reaching, and perhaps, common expressions of this trait has to do with infidelity in marriage. In other words, for a man to be macho, he must maintain a number of sexual relationship outside of marriage.  

Conquistadors And Machismo  

How did these traits and values come into being? Actually, the Spanish conquistadors first introduced these values into South American soil. To the Spaniard, "...valor became closely identified with being strongly masculine in sexual capacity and    general behavior" (Nida 1974:57).   It must always be remembered that the Spanish conquistadors did not bring their wives with them which helps to explain their frequents sexual unions  with the indigenous (Plaza 1971:21).

The conquistadors sexually "conquered" the indigenous Indian women, who in turn bore their children. No doubt, these children felt resentful toward their absent, irre­sponsible  fathers, but at the same time wanted to be just as macho as them. At the same time, these Mestizo boys were emotionally attached to their mother who provided the only real security. Because their mother was part of a despised race, the  males had to display characteristics of being very macho.  

Modern Day Machismo  

           Like the conquistadors of old, the Latin male “…looks through the eyes of conquest,..” (Mayers 1976:45). He often demonstrates this conquest (machismo)  through sexual conquest. In fact, the wife almost expects or assumes that the man will have other mistresses. ^[1] It is common that a man will have his formal family, but also one, two, or three other households: that is,  mistresses with children (Jensen 1983:8). ^[2]

            One can imagine the resulting effect on the home. It is estimated that two out of every five children are born out of wedlock in Latin America (Rangel 1987:145). These children are cared for by their mother, much like the duty laid upon the Indian woman during the time of the conquest. Rangel says, “In Latin American society, it is almost the norm of the father to refuse responsibility for his offspring” (1987:145).

On top of having divided loyalties with these "other households", the machismo image requires the father to be somewhat "aloof" from the day to day functions of his own home. Someone has to fill the vacuum, and it's not hard to guess who--the mother. Jensen perceptively states, "The children quickly learn how to get what they want through their mother, often ignoring the commands of the father. Thus in a subtle way, the mother under-cuts the  authority of the father..."(Jensen 1983:9).  

Hembrismo           

Hembrismo is the counterpart to machismo. It describes the role of the female in Latin cultures—specifically in the face of machismo. There is an interplay at work that accentuates these two concepts.  

Moral Superiority  

Hembrismo describes the moral and spiritual superiority of the woman over the man. Mayers states, “If the male is motivated by conquest, the female is motivated by honor and reputation. Her place in Latin society is defined as upholding such honor and reputation” (1976:42).  She is supposed to be submissive and very patient with her husband. She is known for the kind intercession that she makes between her son and the   cruel father (Jensen 1983:5)  When the husband engages in extra marital affairs, this moral superiority is   demonstrated when the wife looks past the moral failure of her husband. ^[3]  

The Suffering Mother and Mariology  

The significant place the mother holds in Latin culture can not be overstated. Mayers says, “The woman is in focus in every aspect of the society. Hers is a covert, low-keyed focus around which the entire society revolves” (1976:88). She is the long-suffering one with unique spiritual qualities. She is the one that brings stability to upheaval in much of Latin American society (Mayers 1976:90).  It is through the woman that stability is In fact, her place in the Latin world view has strong religious overtones. The widespread devotion to Mary throughout Latin America is closely linked with the role of the woman and mother throughout Latin America.

Latins tend to portray Christ as dead and dying, yet Mary is radiant and beautiful.  God is viewed as very distant (just like Latin fathers), but Mary is close, caring,  and always ready to intercede for God's children (just like the Latin mothers). Nida reiterates this value by saying,

...not only do women find in Mary a cultural type with which they may identify themselves, but many men, whether consciously or unconsciously, tend to transfer their feelings of dependency upon their mother to worship of the Virgin Mary (1974:130).   

Nida feels it is useless to argue against Mariology from a doctrinal standpoint due to the deep-seated emotions which are firmly planted in Spanish culture (1974:130). Rather, it seems that a better, more effective methodology is to extol the Biblical virtues of Mary, while firmly pointing out non-Biblical excesses.  

Patterns Of Authority  

            We have already  noticed the importance of status and race in the Latin culture. The lines of authority are established and sealed from birth.  The background for this practice has historic roots which are essential for us to examine.             

Authoritarian  

            Latins are generally very authoritarian. In other words, there is a clear distinction between leader and follower. In fact, this characteristic is one that has been passed down from the generations past—namely, the Spanish conquistadors. Geyer notes the difference of authoritarianism between Spanish people and the Brazilians (influenced by Portuguese).

Where the people of Spanish background are rigid and absolutist in their thought, the Brazilians are athletically flexible. Where Spanish-Americans are always driving toward the ultimate confrontation, the Brazilians are working on finding a way out. Where the Spanish are true believers to whom the idea of an inquisitional ‘one faith’ comes as a natural thing, the Brazilians are tolerant…(1970:9).  

There seems to be built into the Spanish psyche a desire to control, to be in charge. Dealy feels that it is this goal that drives the Latin American, in contrast to being a successful doctor, lawyer, businessman, or any other profession (1992:62). Dealy says,  “Only a vigorous public power stance fully satiates the Latin’s desire for acclaim, just as the economic category ‘millionaire’ uniquely approaches gratification of the capitalists sense of total success (1992:62-63). He goes on to say,

In North American eyes good government would make the Post Office turn a profit; in Latin American eyes a good firm would, like a strong political movement, establish a monopoly of power over every competitor” (1992:107).

Geyer confirms this by saying,

In Latin American politics, it has been not the man who seeks to unite and to compromise and to heal wounds who was admired but rather the man who wielded total power---that classic Spanish type, the caudillo or strongman. Power could not be shared;.. (1970:96).  

            The spirit of the conquistador is now seen in the Latin American caudillo. The caudillo in Latin America’s history refers to the self-proclaimed military officer that were supported by nonprofessional armies (Silvert  1977:25). However, in a general sense, the caudillismo has popularly come to refer to any highly personalistic regime which is under the control of a charismatic leader (Silvert 1977:25).  Gereats defines this term by the words, ‘daring’, ‘aggressive’, and ‘strong’ (1970:47).

It is this  spirit that guides much of the leadership in Latin America. There is a tendency to exercise control and domination instead of leading by example and servanthood. ^[4] Gareats confirms this trait in  Latin leadership by saying, “Most Latin American leaders, whether in the political sphere or in ordinary life, give the appearance of being strong men” (1970:48). ^[5]

Spanish Supremacy  

As in many Latin American countries, there are a tiny minority of  pure Spanish descent who wield tremendous influence. They are the ones who steer the major centers of power in Latin America, course both politically, economically, and socially (Ecuador in Pictures: 1987: 38)     

Historic Development  

This disparity did not develop over night. The process began  years ago when the Spanish conquered the Indian population. For almost four hundred years the strong, soldierly Spaniards live along side their conquered Indian slaves.  An inevitable attitude of superiority began to develop (Weil 1973:101,102). . Schodt writes, "The grafting of Spanish rule onto the conquered Inca society established a colonial system with a large Indian underclass and a small   Hispanic elite... (Schodt  1987: 17)." 

Even though binding ties have been severed with Spain, yet the spirit of elitism still strongly remains through her descendants. The idea that a person’s blood line positions him or her for power is still  widespread throughout Latin America. Dealy states,

…while our forefathers [North Americans] alternately ignored the Indian, stole his land, or drove him out, Spanish settlers inducted them into a social hierarchy: They became a personal work force to till the soil and were brought into homes as mistresses and table servants (1992:62). 

This social hierarchy is still very important in Latin America today.

Rangel calls this social structuring the cancer of Latin American society today (1987:16). Instead of ignoring the Indians or extermination them (as in the case of the North Americans), the Latin Americans grafted them into their society. They became indispensable.  

Privileged Status  

For example, the  "whites" who occupy the top rungs of power in Ecuador place a high emphasis on purity of race-whether or not this can  be proven.  Within the white group, even more important than one's exact racial traits, is one's socioeconomic status and evidence of an urban European life-style (Weil 1973:66).  Many of these creoles or pure-bloods are vocal about their pure blood and resulting privileged status (Urbanski 1978:170).  

The Underclass  

            I use this terminology simply to describe those under the ruling class white race. Although these could be divided into middle and lower, those distinctions don’t always hold true in Latin America due to the importance placed upon blood lines and a person’s position at birth.

Mestizo  

Underneath the umbrella of this small elite upper class is a large underclass consisting of Mestizos, pure Indians, and Negroes. Mestizo status falls somewhere between the white higher class and the Indian lower class. Although they are below the white race, they are mixing with it. (Weil 1973:66). The Mestizo race came as a result of the mixed marriages between the Indian woman and the conquistadors. Yet, it’s probably more accurate to say that most of the offspring were less the result of formal marriage as the result of rape and concubinage (Elliott 1984:201).

The offspring of these unions were integrated into the life of one or more of their parents.  One North American traveler to Latin America, E.G. Squier, in the nineteenth century described Mestizos as people of dark complexion and medium height, well proportioned and robust. He also observed that ‘it is difficult to say whether the whites have been more assimilated into the Indian way of life or the Indians into that of the whites’ (Urbanski 1978:151).

Largest Grouping In Latin America

In all of the countries in which I will be doing my case studies, the mestizo class is by far the largest. However, in most of these countries, it is quite difficult to arrive at an exact percentage  for this group of people.  The probable reason for this discrepancy is that Mestizos are sometimes classified culturally and sometimes biologically. In other words, the general biological classification of a Mestizo is someone who   is of mixed Indian and European blood (Ecuador in Pictures 1983:35). However, in Ecuador, a pure Indian who moves into the city and conforms to this new life-style, thus rejecting his Indian heritage, is also labeled a  Mestizo (Ecuador: Post Report 1986:2).  

Power Limited To Rural Settings

For the most part, the white elite hold positions of power in the city, whereas, it’s no uncommon for the Mestizos to have more authority in the rural areas. ^[6] At the same time the Mestizo (whether biologically or culturally defined) has definite limitations as to how high he can climb the ladder. Although winds of change are presently blowing, the caste system is still firmly established in much of Latin America today.

Attitude Toward The Past  

            It’s hard to say exactly how the Mestizo views the past. Surely, some view their ties with Spain as being more positive while others more view it more negatively. Urbanski notes,

The Hispanic American seems to have become increasingly aware that the ties with Spain, although positive in cultural influence, were negative in their influence on the social structure and in their predominance in the political and ecclesiastical hierarchies of the colonies…there remains in the mestizo mentality an unconscious reproach toward Spain, even in countries whose indigenous population was little or not all affected (1978:163).  

Rangel  reflects on the mixture of the races that first was perpetuated by the Spanish. He says,

As a result, we Latin Americans are the descendants of both the conquerors and the conquered, of both the masters and the slaves; we are the sons of the women who were ravished and of men who ravished them” (1987:16).  

Indigenous Peoples  

The pure Indians are at the bottom of the totem pole when it comes to authority and power. The government has tended to disregard their distinct differences and customs and lump them  together as a "depressed group" (Weil 1973:67). This attitude of powerlessness can clearly be seen in their behavior towards whites. Indians, while talking with whites remove their hats, lower their heads and speak in soft tones.  They assume a passive, submissive role which has been instilled in them from childhood. However, in their own communities, the whites and Mestizos are the butt of    their jokes (Weil 1973:67).  

CHAPTER 3: World View OF  LATIN AMERICA  

            I use the word world view here instead of such a title like belief system or religious thinking, perhaps because it seems to be  more all- inconclusive. The two greatest influences that have affected the world view in Ecuador is  Roman Catholicism (Spanish style) and Animism (an assortment of spirit beliefs). However, it should also be noted that Evangelicalism is playing an increasingly more powerful, influential role. 

Catholicism  

Mayers states, “To be Latin is to be Catholic. As soon as a child is born, it is enrolled in the church” (1976:69). The Roman Catholic church has been and still is the dominating influence throughout Latin America. Rangel states, “No other institution has contributed as much as the Catholic Church to determining what Latin America has and has not become” (1987:141). Statistically, Catholicism still is the dominant religious influence on the continent.  In the 1993 edition of Operation World, Patrick Johnstone records these statistics for the countries in which I’ll be doing my case studies:

1.     Colombia: 93.1% Catholic

2.     Ecuador: 93.3% Catholic

3.     Perú: 89% Catholic

4.     Honduras: 85.5% Catholic

5.     El Salvador 75.1% Catholic  

Catholic Subjugation Of Differing Beliefs  

The spread of the Catholic Faith in after 1594 AD was total and complete. One either became a Catholic or  died at the hands of the Spaniards. Hoeffner speaks  of this indigenous slaughter by saying, “The New World witnessed such a horrible enslavement and extermination of its inhabitants that the blood freezes in our veins” (quoted in Rivera 1992:171).

There was little attempt to persuasively win the indigenous people by means of effective evangelism. ^[7]   Rather, the indigenous religions were seen as instruments of Satan that needed to be destroyed and completely eradicated. According to the convictions of the Spanish conquerors, there could be no other competing religion or philosophy. Luis N. Rivera in his book, A Violent Evangelism, writes,

The conquerors did not heed the protests of the Aztec lords, or even less, their helpless sorrow upon seeing their gods and religious customs defiled and being unable to come to their defense. That was followed by an old missionary tradition of converting the major temple into a place for Christian worship. Political violence is also accompanied by violence against sacred traditions (1992:156).  

Sadly, stories abound of how the early conquistadors even used children to spy on their parents and eventually to betray them. Rivera notes,

None of the missionaries showed any sensitivity toward the anguish of the parents nor a full understanding of the family or of the social disruption this family-destroying policy produced. It was considered a holy war, with cosmic dimensions, of the true faith against false idolatry; of God and Satan (1992:164).  

Not everyone during the conquest of Latin America was in favor of forced, violent evangelism. For example, Rivera say, “There were intense debates over whether Christianization should be by peaceful or persuasive means, or if military force was legitimate” (1992:154). However in the end the sword won the day.

It’s strange to read of accounts in which the Spaniards decided to kill the indigenous people who they felt were only becoming converts in pretense. We read that before they killed them, the conquerors would baptize them in order to somehow link the Christian sacrament with their conquering violence (Rivera 1992:207). Rivera writes,

    In the entire process of conquest and evangelization of the Americas the relationship between the cross and the sword was problematic and complex. The sword, superior military technology, determined the outcome. The cross represented the final objective that the Spanish protagonists accepted, at least in juridical and theological theory. Paradoxically, the sword had religious and spiritual objectives, while the cross was invested with political and temporal characteristics (1992:207).  

This dualism between the temporal power of the sword and  spiritual authority continues to confront Catholicism in Latin America today (Rangel 1987:144). Weld notes that the people  have never forgotten that  oftentimes they were made to convert at the point of a sword (1968:22).

Yet, in reflecting on the conquest and the religious subjugation of the people, it’s not always clear that force subjugation of the indigenous people was because of God or gold. For the most part, those who  subjugated the inhabitants were probably more interested in the riches of the new land than the Christian faith.  Rivera quotes Las Casas (a Dominican theologian who sided with the oppressed Indians) saying,  “Who is the true god of the conquerors: God or gold? The conquistadors make war against the Indians and enslave them ‘to reach the goal that is their god: gold” (1992:259).  The greed of the Spaniard and their double standards gave a bad name to the Christian faith. 

Monastic Preaching  

To their credit, the monks who accompanied the Spanish soldiers to the new world were diligent evangelists. They came in full force   to preach and establish communities (Weld 1968:21). Quito, Ecuador might serve as an example of the effectiveness of these monastic missionaries. By the eighteenth century "...it was estimated that there were forty convents in the royal Audencia, and a thousand monks, nuns, and priests in the capital   alone" (Weld 1968:21). 

Yet it must not be imagined that the monks were completely separate from any military dealings. At the time of the conquest, Christianity was a militarized faith, totally committed to a war of reconquest against the Muslim infidels (Rangel 1987:150). This mentality affected both soldier and missionary. Rivera clearly documents the relationship between the monasteries and the occupation of the land. Oftentimes the monasteries served not only a religious purpose but a military one as well (Rivera 1992:209).

 Acosta, an early missionary, was one who while preaching love for the natives also insisted that force be used to subjugate them. He considered them subhuman and having only the  intelligence of a child (Rivera 1992:222).  Acosta  believed that, “…the natives need to be in context of governmental compulsion to preserve Christianity” (Rivera 1992:223).  

Spanish Catholicism  

What kind of Roman Catholicism has made its mark on this area of northern Latin America? The Spanish variety. Schurz notes,

The Spanish Church was like no other in Europe, nor is it now….The popular faith was sustained by some inner fire and did not have to be fortified by any ratiocination….The average Spaniard accepted the official version of the faith and asked no questions (1954:241).   

 Spain during the time of the Christopher Columbus was considered the defenders of the Catholic faith.  It was Spain who introduced the dreaded inquisition, and personally took the lead in stamping out groups such as the Waldensians, Lollards, and Hussites. Spain did not encourage open expression of thought or speech in the slightest (Schurz 1954:247).

This brand of Catholicism  sought to defend Catholic tradition in the face of all other competing religious expressions. The Spaniards rejected compromise, flexibility, and change. 

Dogmas such as purgatory, the veneration and exaltation of Mary,  prayers for the dead, the priority of the saints, and salvation  through the Catholic church were preached and taught from the very beginning. ^[8] In spite of the zealous adherence to Catholic tradition and belief, the Spaniards permitted their Catholicism to overlay the belief systems of those who originally inhabited the land. The result is an outward Catholicism with and inward connection to animism.  

Animistic Catholicism  

The Roman Catholicism that came to dominate Latin America was simply added on to the Indian world view instead of transforming it. Olien states,  “The Catholicism that the Indian accepted was really a syncretism. Native beliefs and practices fused with a veneer of Spanish-Catholic beliefs and practices” (1973:79).  

Similar Beliefs

  On the other hand, there were many characteristics of   Spanish Catholicism in the sixteenth century that correspond to the Animistic philosophy of that day (veneration of the saints, prayers for the dead, the sacrifice of communion, etc.).  Nida points out that the medieval Roman Catholicism which was introduced in the 16th century was actually quite close to the beliefs and practices of the indigenous people (Nida 1974:119).

For example, although it can’t be said that  Roman Catholicism officially introduced sorcery, it is true that many of the early Spaniards did. It is even known that some of the early  the priests believed in black magic and practiced it (Nida 1974:112).   

Outward Acceptance  

Before the Spanish arrived on the scene, Indian religion revolved around the worship of nature which included many evil spirits. At that time Shamans acted as spokesmen between the priests and their gods. Richly colored totem poles  were erected which stood as high as 40 feet. Cannibalism, human sacrifice, and worship of idols was also part of the indigenous religion at the time of the conquest (Rivera 1992:155-165).

The Spanish conquerors often destroyed the ancient temples of  indigenous people and built their own churches in the same spots. Yet, those spots remained sacred to the indigenous people. To appease the early Spaniards and to avoid a violent death, oftentimes the Indians simply changed the names of their personal deities to the saints of the Catholic religion. Olien says, “While the Indians of central Mexico accepted the Christian God as the creator, the Catholic saints were equated with Aztec deities. Even the attributes of the saints were changed to make them more human, the same as their Aztec predecessors;..(1973:79).

By making these name changes, the indigenous people were able to maintain a semblance of their   religion. As a result, the saints have always played a significant role in the religion of Latin America. Today,   the saints are the central powers of Latin American Catholicism.  Some of these saints are protectors of certain occupations or guardians of various groups (Olien 1973:199).

Because of such syncretism, even though the official rate of  conversion to Catholicism was rapid, the quality of that conversion left much to be desired. Elliott writing about the history of the conquest,  notes, “ There were alarming indications that Indians who had adopted the new faith with apparent enthusiasm still venerated their old idols in secret” (1984:198). ^[9] Elliott writes,

The Indians, forbidden to train as priests, naturally tended to look on Christianity as an alien faith imposed on them by their conquerors. They took from it those elements which suited their own spiritual and ritualistic needs and blended them with elements of their ancestral faith to produce beneath a simulated Christianity an often vital syncretic religion” (1984:199).

 

Yes, it is true that some of the more obvious indigenous practices like cannibalism and human sacrifice  have ceased to exist, yet the control and appeasement of the spirit world is still very much adhered to today. 

Degrees Of  Animistic Mixture  

            When one talks about the mixture of animism with Roman Catholicism, it’s important to distinguish the varying degrees of Catholic influence among the major classes and people groups.  For the most part the upper white Spanish class still holds to a purer form of Spanish Catholicism. Among the  Mestizo class there appears to be a greater blend of animistic Catholicism.

However, among the  indigenous people of Latin America  there is a wide range of variety. Some indigenous people are very syncretic. They will accept certain aspects of the Catholic faith, but  when it comes to the natural forces that govern their life here on earth, they do not look to Catholicism.  Rather, these  people  pay homage to the variety of  spirits that control health, weather, and success of their crops.  Appeasement of these spirits, through sacrifice and other means, is absolutely essential to the Indian's prosperity. (Weil 1973:73). 

On the other hand, some Indigenous groups have successfully resisted any  mixture altogether.   For example, in the  jungle regions of Ecuador many of the indigenous people continue to practice their ancient religions (Ecuador in Pictures 1987:38).  This is partly due to the priority given to the cities when the Spaniards invaded the land. Many of these indigenous people were left untouched. 

The belief system of the Jivaro serves as an example. Their religion focuses on a super­natural force embodied in deities, which include the rain god and the earth mother. These deities give to various objects, spirits and power. These gods and spirits are feared,  and therefore  placated through ritual.  Their beliefs have almost no connection with Christianity (Weil 1973:78)  

Popular Catholic Beliefs  

            As was mentioned earlier, those who call themselves Catholic in Latin America usually accept a mixture of Spanish Catholicism and animism. There is great emphasis placed on the saints, the virgin Mary, prayers for the dead, salvation through the church, and other like doctrines. ^[10] Due to the purpose and length of this paper, I will not spend time analyzing each of these traditions and doctrines.  I will, however, two of the most popular traits that distinguish Roman  Catholicism in Latin America.  

The Suffering Christ  

The suffering, bloody Christ pervades most of Latin America. This devotion has  been handed down by the early Spaniards. Schurz says,

The crucifixion made a specially strong appeal  to the religious imagination of Spaniards, even sometimes to the macabre and morbid. To Spaniards in such an ecstasy of devotion, the adoration of the agonizing Christ on the Cross might be a spiritual self-flagellation (1954:242).  

Today, it is not common to enter a Roman Catholic cathedral and witness a host of pale, bloody Christs,  hung on cruel crosses in every corner of the temple. To the Latino, Good Friday, not resurrection morning, is the high point of Easter (Nida 1974:40).

There is a definite interplay between the way that most Latins view Christ and a general  pessimistic world view. Their  preoccupation with death causes them to see Jesus as the "bloody Christ".  This bloody Christ offers little hope to the Latino people—only pity. However, as Latins discover the power of the gospel and the resurrection hope in Jesus Christ, many exciting changes are taking place.  

The Major Life-Cycles  

The Catholic church is closely tied to the four major life- cycle crises (Mayers 1976:96-97).  I mention this point because it is through this door that Roman Catholicism holds such a powerful socio-cultural  influence over Latin America. Indeed, I have discovered that the greatest hindrance to conversion in Latin America is  not religious, but rather cultural.  One is reminded of the famous words of the late Donald  McGavran, the founder of church growth,  “Men like to become Christians without crossing racial, linguistic, or class barriers” (1990: 163).

In Latin America, the great barrier is the perceived notion that  ‘to leave the Catholic church is to leave one’s heritage, tradition, and background.’ Due to the intervention and integration of the Catholic Church in a person’s birth,  puberty, marriage, and death, it is very hard not to maintain ties to the Catholic Church. Let us review these major life cycles:

1.     Birth

This is initiated with the ritual of baptism and the assigning of godparents.

2. Puberty

This  is attended with the assigning of more godparents and the ritual of confirmation.

3.     Marriage

This a time of great preparation and celebration. At this time, godparents are selected who will function more signifi­cantly than those of baptism and puberty.

4.     Death

This is probably the most significant of the four life crises. The rites attending death are more elaborate and extend longer than the other life crises. One can see how that being a "Catholic" shapes the warf and woof of a Latino's life.      

Catholicism And Personal Holiness  

            I believe that it can be argued successfully that  the Catholic Church has had  little impact  in changing the ungodly value structures in Latin America. The dualistic system of private religion  versus public actions has led to little progress in true, personal holiness (Dealy 1992:14).

 The machismo culture which promotes unfaithfulness in marriage has never  been successfully challenged by the Catholic Church. Rangel writes, “This perversion of love and sexuality seems to have flawed Latin American society from the Conquest to the present day,  without Catholic morality’s having been able or much inclined to do anything about it” (1987:145).

Much of this lack of penetration into the personal sphere has to do with  Catholic duality between the temporal and spiritual realm. The Roman Catholic Church has maintained that the public, governmental spheres are separate entities---the  temporal sword versus  the spiritual. Referring to this dualism in Catholic Latin America, Dealy states, “Great fidelity and great barbarism are possible, and indeed likely, within national arenas where dual standards permeate (1992: 28).  

It is also true to some extent that the Catholic Church in general became more concerned with land, money, and power than with the spiritual souls of those under its care. Rangel notes that by the end of the seventeenth century,

The priests had become sedentary lovers of the good life,…and the spiritual arm was less interested in saving souls of its flock than in reinforcing its moral dominion over society and increasing its patrimony. Tithes, legacies, and donations from the Crown or from individuals flowed into its coffers, till the Spanish colonial Church became the foremost owner of land and slaves (1987:154).                    

During the colonial period, not only was the church exceedingly wealthy, but it also had the wealthiest land holdings unit in Latin America (Olien 1973:74).

Thus,  the Roman Catholicism practiced in Latin  America, in many ways, simply covers over an animistic world view, and therefore never dealt with the sins of the people and their need for a personal relationship with Jesus Christ.  

Decline Of Catholicism  

It is estimated that the Catholic Church in Latin America is losing  8,000 people per day  (CT April, 1996:94). Patrick Johnstone, a leading authority on the church worldwide says, “The growth of Catholics has been slower than that of the world’s population, so their percentage of the world’s population is steadily falling” (1993:65). In fact, out of the five major religions of the world, only Catholicism is declining (Johnstone 1993:159).  Rangel notes, “Catholicism finds itself pushed into a marginal existence, and faith, once a living force, has largely given way to meaningless, formalistic assent” (1987:144).  

Combative Stance  

Perhaps the Catholic Church is taking a beating at this point and time, but there are indications that it is  not simply sitting back and allowing this decline to take place. It appears that  recently  the Catholic Church has become more combative.

 In the news section of Christianity Today (April 8, 1996), there is a review of the Roman Pontiff’s recent tour of Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Venezuela. The article describes a combative pope who is trying his best to combat defections from the Catholic Church. (CT April, 1996:94). The pope’s methodology seems to be a return to traditionalism.  

Return To Traditionalism  

One of the ways that the Catholic Church is doing this is to return to its traditional roots (for example, after every speech the pope exalted Mary) and speaking out against the sects who were drawing people away from the faith. The article says, “…he [the pope] complained that Indians and peasants, in particular, are being led astray by ‘sects and religious groups, who sow confusion and uncertainty among Catholics” (94). These comments have caused an uproar among Protestant leaders because they are being included along with sects.

On this tour the pope desperately cried out for all those who have strayed from the mother Catholic Church to return to the fold. He says,

All those who have at some time prayed to the Most Holy Virgin, even though they may have strayed from the Catholic church, conserve in their hearts an ember of faith which can be revived…the Virgin awaits them with maternal arms wide open (94).

Evangelicalism  

In comparison with the  Catholicism and Animism, evangelicalism is a newcomer on the block. The first Protestant missionaries first arrived in Latin America not long before the turn of the century, thus giving Catholicism a 400 year advantage. Yet, that advantage has been slowly eroding,  due to changes in politics, religious freedom, and above all, a hunger in the hearts of the people for a personal relationship with Jesus Christ. 

Amazing Growth  

Patrick Johnstone describes Latin America as “one of the great evangelical successes of the 20^th century (1993:65). Evangelicals have grown from between 200-300,000 in 1900 to forty-six  million in 1990,  which means that  now more than eleven percent of Latin America is evangelical (Johnstone 1993:65).

 The lead article in the June edition of the magazine Charisma captures this incredible growth. It’s entitled, “Latin America’s Sweeping Revival”. The subheading of this  same article declares, “Researchers say 400 people are converted to Christianity in Latin America every hour (Miller 1996:32). Pablo Deiros and Carlos Mraida do an excellent job of documenting the amazing growth that is taking place in Latin America, especially  due to the spread of the Pentecostal Church (1994:59-64).

I  have doing research for Dr. Wagner to discover those churches in Latin America which have an average attendance of more than 5000. We have currently located over sixty such churches, but we expect to find at least one hundred before our research is completed.  Yes, Latin America is in the midst of a great harvest. 

Infusion  Of Biblical Values  

Although it might be questioned whether or not Pentecostalism is  going deep enough in  transforming the   moral fabric through the infusion of Biblical values (Deiros & Mraida 1994:70-71), I do believe that positive changes are taking place as a result of the growth in the Evangelical Church.  Biblical values are beginning to take root in popular Latin American culture.   Evangelicalism, deeply  rooted in  seventh century Pietism, teaches that the Christian faith must go deeper that theology—it must produce personal holiness.  

The Family  

            As the Evangelical church proclaims the sanctity of marriage and demonstrates the Biblical values of how a husband and wife should behave in the home, the impact is being felt in the society at large. ^[11]

The preaching of Biblical family values from the pulpit is also bringing some exciting changes. It is my experience that  messages on the family are the most needful, helpful, and the most enjoyed that any Biblical emphasis in Latin America. ^[12]

The Morality  Of  The Society  

Another area where Evangelicalism is having a powerful cultural impact is on the moral fabric of society. Evangelicalism has always taught that one’s inward relationship with God must be lived out in his outward relationship with society at large. Many aspects of the political, social arena in Latin America have not been penetrated  or challenged by the Church nor the Word of God.

This is where the Evangelical faith is having its greatest impact on Latin America. Bribery is so common in Latin America that it is practically accepted as part of the society. In many parts of Latin America, in order to get and keep a job, one has to be willing to bribe.

Yet, the Biblical testimony is abundantly clear concerning the sin of bribery (Proverbs 17:23,  Amos 5:12, I Samuel 8:3, Psalm  26:10, Isaiah 33:15 y Job 15:34). It is only as the church of Jesus Christ takes a stand against this corruption will there be a change of world view and thus a change of values in the greater society.

 CONTINUE TO PART 3 OF SOCIAL/CULTURAL IN CELL MINISTRY